Classical Studies

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No Honour in Death: Analyzing the Debaucherous Death of Empress Valeria Messalina
(University of Waterloo, 2024-05-27) Johnston, Melanie
It is not a certainty that the life of the Julio-Claudian empress Valeria Messalina was any different from the lives of the empresses who preceded her. The written historical record is largely silent on her life before she married the emperor Claudius in 38 CE. During her time in the role of empress, the visual record is reasonably conventional, depicting her as modest, in draping garments, often with one or both of her children at her side. Little was written about her during her tenure as empress. What is securely known is that an official damnatio memoriae, the act of erasing a figure from history, followed her death. Statues of her were likely destroyed or stored. Inscriptions had her name damaged or gouged out. Coins with images of her ceased to be minted and may well have been destroyed. Messalina did not, however, disappear from the historical record, either visual or written. Some seventy years after her death Tacitus, Suetonius, and Cassius Dio wrote her – and her misdeeds – into the historical record. Her death scene is treated with such force that it is difficult to raise the possibility that Messalina was a conventional empress. A powerful death narrative, either positive or negative, colours the life of the deceased; to this day the name Messalina has not recovered from the condemnatory narratives surrounding her death. A comparison of the extant material evidence and written evidence will show the power of a negative death narrative and highlight how the memory of the empress Messalina suffered the consequences.
Phantoms of the Sea: Phokaian Colonies of the Far Western Mediterranean
(University of Waterloo, 2022-12-20) Chen, Stone
Phokaian settlement and expansion in the western Mediterranean constitute an integral and distinctive part of the broader phenomenon of Greek colonization in the Archaic period, yet many aspects of Phokaian colonization in this region remain relatively understudied. In particular, the question of exceptionality continues to attract debate and controversy: did the colonial practices of the Phokaians in the west significantly differ from all other Greek metropoleis? This thesis looks first and foremost at the conceptual problem of applying colonial terminologies, shaped by the early modern experience, to the ancient phenomenon. A fresh analysis of the problem suggests that their usage is still advised, though with caution and acknowledgement of their inherent vulnerability to be misused and misunderstood. Next, a general survey of Phokaia and its history of colonial endeavours is followed by case studies of two of the most important Phokaian sites: Massalia and Velia. Through a close analysis of both literary accounts (e.g., founding legends) and archaeological evidence, it is possible to delineate a clearer picture of the process of foundation and identify a more coherent paradigm of conflicts, interactions, adoptions, and exchanges between the Phokaians and their indigenous neighbours. In doing so, the question of Phokaian exceptionality is rendered partially irrelevant owing to the observation that commonality and uniqueness were simultaneously present both among Phokaian colonies and between Phokaian and other Greek settlements.
Female Sex-Workers in Rome: Agency and Self-Representation
(University of Waterloo, 2022-10-31) Hill, Rachel Esther Fey
This project addresses the notion that female sex-workers at Rome wore the toga. The toga was a symbol of masculine responsibility, authority, political involvement, and citizenship. Focusing on legal, literary, and material evidence from Rome’s late Republic to early Imperial period, this investigation primarily uses an intersectional feminist lens to examine the ways in which female sex-workers exercised agency. We examine first the legal climate in which sex-worker and clothing existed during this period, and discuss avenues of agency available to sex-workers in the realm of Rome’s legal constraints. We also consider the Ars Amatoria and other Latin literary sources for evidence of the toga as a symbol which changes meaning based on its wearer, and the wearer as being perceived differently based on their clothing. In the literature we encounter diametrically opposed archetypes of matron and whore, and understand that sex-workers were able to manage their appearance and behaviour agentively to defy or align themselves with these identities. Finally, the Lupanar, or Purpose-Built Brothel of Pompeii will be examined as well, since it boasts an enormous amount of evidence for a sex-worker’s daily life, and through graffiti demonstrates evidence of self-narration, reclamation of identity and sexual agency. We conclude by discussing how toga-wearing asserted personal identity, action, and group affiliation, and is therefore consistent with other agentive avenues used by sex-workers.
Dynamis in Rome? Revisiting the South Frieze of the Ara Pacis Augustae
(Franz Steiner Verlag, 2020-12-01) Coskun, Altay; Stern, Gaius
The Senate voted to build the Ara Pacis to welcome home Augustus after restoring order in the western provinces, while Agrippa pursued a similar mission in the East. Agrippa had settled the turmoil in the Bosporus by arranging for Queen Dynamis to marry King Polemon of Pontos, thereby uniting the two realms. Brian Rose (1990) explained that two boys on the Ara Pacis who do not wear togas are foreign princes in Rome in 13 BC exactly when Augustus and Agrippa returned from their foreign tours. Rose considered the older boy on the south frieze an eastern prince, probably Aspurgos, the future king of the Bosporus. He speculated that Queen Dynamis had come to Rome with Agrippa, and that she is the woman who puts her hand on the boy’s head. Rose exposed the frailty of Giuseppe Moretti’s theory, who regarded the two boys as Gaius and Lucius Caesar dressed as Trojans. We agree with Ann Kuttner, Gaius Stern, John Pollini, Ilaria Romeo that the boys are barbarians, not Romans, but cannot accept the identifications with Dynamis and Aspurgos, (1) on prosopographical lines, because the placement of Dynamis on the Ara Pacis relies upon identifying her as the mother of Aspurgos, which claim the ancient sources do not support; (2) on practical terms, since Dynamis should have stayed in her kingdom to help Polemon consolidate his new throne (not speculation but positive evidence would be needed to counter this view); (3) iconographical ly, as the woman on the Ara Pacis does not closely resemble the image of Dynamis; (4) be cause Dynamis was a mature, middle-aged queen by 13 BC, as her portrait on two gold staters indicate, whereas the Ara Pacis teenager is far too young. She is actually Agrippa’s least famous daughter, wearing not a diadem, but a brill appropriate for a Roman teenage girl close to marrying age. Her hand is resting on the head of a Parthian prince, a ‘guest’ in Rome, hosted by the family of Agrippa.
Deiotaros Philorhomaios, Pontos und Kolchis
(Franz Steiner Verlag, 2020-12-01) Coskun, Altay
Towards the end of the Third Mithradatic War (64 BC), Pompey promoted the Tolistobogian tetrarch Deiotaros to become the most powerful king of Asia Minor. Strabo describes his new territories as follows (Geogr. 12.3.13 [547C]): ‘the other (part of the Gadilonitis) Pompey gave to Deiotaros, such as the areas around Pharnakeia and Trapezus, up to Kolchis and Armenia Minor (μέχρι Κολχίδος καὶ τῆς μικρᾶς ᾿Αρμενίας)’. One can precisely specify these territories. A first argument addresses the chora of the exclave Amisos, which was likely limited by the Iris River before Actium. A second argument suggests that there was a land bridge between Galatia and the Gadilonitis along the Halys, as well as an inland connection between the latter and the major parts of the Pontic realm. Scholars are divided regarding the meaning of μέχρι: most consider it exclusive, assuming that Kolchis never belonged to Deiotaros’ kingdom (where Pompey appointed a certain Aristarchos), whereas Armenia Minor was supposedly given to him only later in 59 BC. Others try to overcome the difficulties by emending the text to μέχρι Κολχίδος καὶ τ<ὴν> μικρ<ὰν> ᾿Αρμενία<ν>, thus accepting Armenia Minor as granted by Pompey, while denying Kolchis. However, neither solution is convincing, because a comparison with the description of the territories conquered by Mithradates VI Eupator (Geogr. 12.3.1 [541C]) or granted to Polemon I and Pythodoris (Geogr. 11.2.18 [499C]) firmly proves that Strabo considered Kolchis a part of Deiotaros’ assignment. The Galatian king hence appears to have held at least a supervisory function over Kolchis, possibly resulting in some tension with Aristarchos. The latter’s role as a vassal was probably like that of the Tektosagian Kastor Tar kondarios, the Trokmian Brogitaros and the Paphlagonian dynasts Pylaimenes and Attalos.
Pompeius und die ,elf Städte‘ der Provinz Pontus
(Franz Steiner Verlag, 2022-12-01) Coskun, Altay
The line of events from the death of Nikomedes IV through the Third Mithradatic War (73–63 BC) to the ratification of Pompey’s Eastern acts in Rome in 59 BC is well documented in our sources and well-studied in modern scholarship. One can say the same of the main outcomes of the war, the Roman province of Pontus et Bithynia: there is no other province of the Republican period whose original constitution and circumscription we can delineate with so much precision thanks to Strabo’s Geography. This said, the devil is in the detail, and a consensus on the citties that Pompey founded, refounded or included into this province is not yet in reach. The main reason for this seems to be that scholars tend to quarry, correct or harmonize pieces of information spread throughout the Geography to make them fit their own reconstruction. This way, sight may be lost of the specific view that Strabo held on the Pontic province as a whole. The present approach tries to take his text more seriously and develop the geographical design that he had before his eyes. Strabo (Geogr. 12.3.1 [541C])) attests that there were ‘eleven cities’ located in the previous realm of Mithradates VI Eupator and added to the former kingdom of Bithynia to yield the new province. These eleven consisted of the five pre-existing citties Herakleia, Tieion, Amastris, Sinope, Amisos plus his six new foundations Abonuteichos, Pompeiopolis, Neapolis, Magnopolis, Diospolis, Nikopolis. If we add Zela and Megalopolis, which Pompey also organized into poleis, the number of his settlements in the area goes up to eight, as Appian (Mith. 117.576) and Cassius Dio (37.20.2) attest. The latter two cities were given to King Deiotaros (or possibly other Galatian dynasts), just as was the former royal residence of Amaseia.
Searching for the Sanctuary of Leukothea in Kolchis
(Franz Steiner Verlag, 2020-12-01) Coskun, Altay
Strabo mentions a sanctuary of Leukothea, together with an Oracle of Phrixos, in the Moschike somewhere in Kolchis (11.2.17f. 498f.C). O. Lordkipanidze (1972) suggested a location in modern Vani at the confluence of the Sulori and Rioni (Phasis) Rivers. In contrast, D. Braund (1994) proposed an area farther to the east in the Lesser Caucasus (Moschian Mountains), southwest of Borjomi, in the valley of the upper Mtkvari River (Kyros). Both identifications are difficult to accept. First, Ino, the wife of the Theban king Athamas and stepmother of Phrixos, called Leukothea after her apotheosis, was a sea goddess. As such, her cult was widespread along the northern coast of the Mediterranean. Its only attested branch in the Black Sea region should therefore not be sought in the hinterland or far-away mountains. Second, Strabo’s indications do not point to a location east of the mouth of the Phasis, but rather south of it, where the westernmost foothills of the Lesser Caucasus reach the sea. Third, we can now contextualize Strabo’s historical references in detail: the sack of the sanctuary by Pharnakes II occurred after his defeat at Zela in Pontos by Caesar and before his final battle against Asandros near Pantikapaion. Since both battles occurred within no more than a month, Pharnakes had no time to march through the Kolchian hinterland, let alone to lay siege to its fortifications, when sailing back to Pantikapaion in August 47 BC. As a result, the Leukotheion most likely stood out as a landmark for sailors on their way from Trapezus to Phasis. The Mtsvane Kontskhi (‘Green Cape’), which is now covered by the Batumi Botanical Garden, might have been an ideal location, and the hills of Tsikhisdziri would offer a feasible alternative.
Introduction
(Société Latomus, Brussels, 2019-05-18) Coskun, Altay; Engels, David
This introduction surveys recent trends in Seleukid scholarship and addresses the main points of discussion concerning the decline and disintegration of the Seleukid Kingdom in the course of the 2nd century BC.
Triangular Epistolary Diplomacy with Rome from Judas Maccabee to Aristobulos I
(Société Latomus, Brussels, 2020-05-18) Coskun, Altay
Scholarly opinions tend to converge towards accepting that Roman commitment to Judaea was very limited: sources attesting treaties of friendship and alliance are either seen as fabricated or not reflecting the real intentions of the Romans. Their inactivity is thus mostly blamed for the discontinuation of friendship by the end of the 2nd century BC. The present study questions these views, not least by demonstrating how highly amcitia populi Romani was appreciated both by the Author (140 BC) and Continuator (128 BC) of 1Macc. The methodological novelty is to accept the historicity of the diplomatic documents in 1Macc and Josephus’ Jewish Antiquities, and to systematically correct their narratives on this basis. Accordingly, Judas’ ambassadors made the first alliance (161 BC), which was renewed under Simon (142 BC) and again under John Hyrkanos I (128 BC). Another mission to Rome under John Hyrkanos was headed by Straton (107 BC). The alliance was also renewed under Aristobulos (104 BC) and Alexander Jannaios (by 100 BC). The evidence allows us to describe the mechanism of Judaean diplomacy: ambassadors were sent from Jerusalem to the Senate, put forward their concerns, expected and normally received official letters that told third parties, especially Seleukid kings, what to do. This kind of ‘triangular diplomacy’ was particularly successful under Simon and John Hyrkanos. Gradually, however, the largescale changes in the eastern Mediterranean World diminished Roman interest and influence in the Near East, also ending the high tide of Roman epistolary diplomacy.
Which Seleukid King Was the First to Establish Friendship with the Romans? Reflections on a Fabricated Letter (Suet. Claud. 25.3), amicitia with Antiochos III (200–193 BC) and the Lack thereof with IlionTriangular Epistolary Diplomacy with Rome from Judas Maccabee to Aristobulos I
(Société Latomus, Brussels, 2019-05-18) Coskun, Altay
Suetonius, Claud. 25.3 has preserved the summary of an obscure Roman letter to Seleucus Rex, offering him amicitia et societas in return for exempting the citizens of Ilion, their own ‘relatives’, from taxation. While previous generations of scholars had been inclined to reject this letter as a forgery (esp. HOLLEAUX 1921), more recently, its authenticity has been claimed, and the king been identified with Seleukos II Kallinikos (RIZZO 1974; GRUEN 1984), Seuleukos III Keraunos (GRAINGER 2002) or Antiochos III Megas (ERSKINE 2001). But neither Seleukos II nor III seems to have exerted effective control over Ilion to qualify. In the case of Antiochos III, he can be shown to have become an amicus populi Romani probably in 200 BC. Rome was then, however, concerned about the Ptolemaic and the Attalid Kingdoms. Moreover, it seems that Antiochos gained the loyalty of Ilion in 198 BC. When the Romans began to advocate the freedom of some Greek cities in 196 BC, the sources repeatedly specify Lampsakos and Smyrna, which defied the king, never Ilion. The later annalistic tradition presents a polished version of the relation between Rome and Ilion: the city figures among the allies in the peace treaty of Phoinike in 205 BC (LIV. 29.12.14); its citizens went over to Rome in the war with Antiochos, as soon as the first Roman commander C. Livius Salinator set foot on the Ilian coast early in 190 BC; Salinator and soon after him L. Scipio chose to sacrifice to Ilian Athena (LIV. 37.9.6f.; 37.37.1-3); and Ilion is rewarded at Apameia with immunity and territorial gains (LIV. 38.39.8). But this tradition is belied by the telling silence of Polybios and Strabon, Geogr. 13.1.27 (594f. C). The latter, in fact, specifies Caesar as the authority that granted tax exemption and a territorial extension. The second half of the 1st century BC thus emerges as the most likely time both for the upgrade of the pro-Ilion annalistic tradition and the fabrication of the Suetonian letter, which could be produced as uetus epistula in the days of Claudius.
Rome, the Seleukid East and the Disintegration of the Largest of the Successor Kingdoms in the 2nd Century BC
(Société Latomus, Brussels, 2019-05-18) Coskun, Altay
Although Antiochos III Megas had been defeated by the Romans in 191/90 BC, his son Seleukos IV managed to consolidate it, and his youngest son Antiochos IV Epiphanes (175– 164) even became the most powerful monarch of his time. After a brief succession crisis (164/62), the kingdom regained strength once more under his grandson Demetrios I Soter (162–150). Only the revolt of Alexander I Balas in 153 resulted in a near-permanent crisis. Dynastic rivalries proliferated and catalyzed the further disintegration of the realm culminating in the Parthian conquests of Media, Mesopotamia and Persia by 140. With the death of Antiochos VII Sidetes (129), the loss of the territories east of the Euphrates became permanent, and Seleukid dissolution continued until Pompey deposed Antiochos XIII in 64/63. Reflecting on the multiple factors that contributed to the disintegration, I shall argue (1) that the heterogeneous nature of the kingdom need not be seen as weakness per se. Also, the negative impact of the Peace of Apameia in general (2) and, especially, the financial needs due to indemnity payments to Rome (3) have been overstated. (4) Roman diplomacy after 188 was harmful, but barely decisive for determining the fate of the Seleukids. (5) Ptolemaic interference was more destructive, but by itself not strong enough to annihilate the Seleukid colossus. The worst enemies of the Seleukids were the Seleukids themselves. This inner-dynastic rivalry got more frequent and more harmful through Roman manipulation and Ptolemaic intervention. (6) The combination of those three factors under Balas finally crippled the realm beyond repair in that it further induced the loss of the Iranian satrapies, and soon thereafter even the Babylonian heartland – areas that had previously functioned as the backbone of legitimate Seleukid kingship and resilience.
Posturing Horses: Xenophon on Biomechanical Soundness in The Art of Horsemanship
(University of Waterloo, 2022-08-12) Rigg, Heather Mavis
As early as the Bronze Age, ancient Greek horses shared in the social status of the military elite. The ritual inclusion of horses and their equipment in burial practices from the Bronze Age to the Classical period marked the elevated status of horses and the wealth of those who cared for them. It is possible to discern the level of care elite equines received through artistic depictions on Athenian pottery and from literary descriptions on the training, care, and stable management of horses as found in Xenophon’s manual, The Art of Horsemanship. The longevity of military and sport horses indicates the level of care they received. Based on the detailed practices Xenophon recommended for the selection, care, and training of 4th century BCE cavalry horses, it is possible to discern the ideal conformation (εἶδος) and posture (σχηματοποιεῖσθαι) that he desired for a horse. A comparison of Xenophon’s anatomical vocabulary to modern equine anatomy and physiology shows that he preferred riding practices that align with biomechanically sound training.
The Chronology of the Desecration of the Temple and the Prophecies of Daniel 7–12 Reconsidered
(Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2019-12-01) Coskun, Altay
Generations of scholars have been puzzled by the chronological time frame that the Seleukid prophecies of Daniel 7–12 are structured around. Basic to the problem is Dan 11.40–45, which clearly implies that the author did not know when and how Antiochos IV died. This seemed to warrant the terminus ante quem of late 164 BC, with the result that the prophet had not yet seen the effective turn in the Maccabaean revolt against the king, let alone the purification of the Jerusalem temple on 25 Kislev 148 SE (ca. 14 Dec. 164 BC). The present study suggests relating this terminus only to Dan 10–11, while allowing for a later composition of the remaining Seleukid prophecies. Based on a chronological revision of the First and Second Book of Maccabees, a plausible timeline can be presented that is compatible with every historical implication of Dan 7–9 and 12. Accordingly, the apocalyptic final year week started with the replacement of Jason as high priest by his rival Menelaos in 171/70 BC; the temple was pillaged by Antiochos IV in summer 169 BC, and Seleukid forces expelled Jason from Jerusalem in 168 BC. The cataclysmic final three-and-a-half years started with the arrival of the commander Apollonios in Jerusalem in May or June 167 BC, followed by the issue of Antiochos’ religious edict around October 167 BC. The pinnacle of the religious persecution was reached with the sacrifice to Zeus Olympios in the temple of Yahweh on 25 Kislev 145 SEB (December 167 BC). Nearly all prophecies regard the purification of the temple as the end point of the crisis. Only the addendum Dan 12.12 alludes to an event that happened 45 days later, perhaps the completion of the fortifications against the royal garrison and the Judaean collaborators on the Akra of Jerusalem. Dan 7–9 and 12 were likely composed by the end of January 163 BC, to supersede Dan 10–11, which had become obsolete after the king’s death. The two groups of Seleukid prophecies were later merged when the collective memory of the events was fading away (before 100 BC).
The Course of Pharnakes II’s Pontic and Bosporan Campaigns in 48/47 BC
(University of Toronto Press, 2020-11-01) Coskun, Altay
Appian’s account of Pharnakes’ Pontic campaign (Mithr. 120.590–595) conveys the impression that the king of the Bosporos started his attack on Asia Minor by attacking Sinope from the sea. The end of the narrative, however, raises some doubts as to whether the king had a fleet at his disposition. It is therefore a plausible hypothesis that Pharnakes’ land forces had marched through Kolchis to invade Asia Minor. The Bellum Alexandrinum (34–78) and Cassius Dio (42.45–47) confirm this view and allow us to complete the picture. Seeming contradictions disappear, once we concede that Armenia (Minor) denoted the entire former Mithradatic territory in Anatolia east of the river Halys, or at least east of the river Iris. Pharnakes progressed along the south-eastern coast of the Black Sea, much of which was then ruled by the Galatian King Deiotaros, before turning south at the mouth of the Iris. This way, he reached northern Kappadokia, but withdrew to Pontic Armenia after the diplomatic intervention of the proconsul Cn. Domitius Calvinus. When negotiations failed, Pharnakes defeated the Romans and their Galatian and Kappadokian allies at Nikopolis, whence he expanded further west into Paphlagonian Pontos. News of Asandros’ revolt in the Bosporos caused his army to march back east, but the unexpected arrival of Caesar induced him to turn back once more. In the meantime, he ordered allied forces to gather on the Taman peninsula, while Asandros was extending his control over the European parts of the kingdom. Beaten by Caesar at Zela, Pharnakes fled to Sinope, and was so desperate to escape Calvinus that he killed the last 1,000 horses, to evacuate their riders by sea on randomly confiscated ships. Together with his allies, he was able to retake Theodosia and Pantikapaion, but was defeated regardless by Asandros no later than early September 47 BC. Appian’s account thus emerges as largely reliable regarding facts, whereas distortions are due to his arbitrary selection of details and skewed causalities. These are best explained with the literary design of his narrative and its underlying moral lesson.
Gesta Principium: A Study of the Frankish and Turkic-Syrian Field Armies at the Battle of Dorylaeum, 1097 AD
(University of Waterloo, 2022-01-19) del Rosso, Peter
The purpose of this study is to showcase the Battle of Dorylaeum, fought between the Frankish invading forces of the First Crusade and the defending Turkic-Syrian armies of late eleventh-century Anatolia, as a military engagement between these two factions which outlines the unfamiliar nature of their styles of combat. After providing a brief history of the First Crusade in Chapter One, as well as outlining several key military engagements leading up to Dorylaeum itself, Chapter Two delves into a military-analytical study of Dorylaeum, outlining the favoured battle tactics of both Frankish and Turkic-Syrian field armies at maximal strengths and using examples from the Battle of Dorylaeum itself. A secondary study, the observation and survey of troop numbers present at the engagement as put forward by both primary and secondary sources, is conducted in an attached Appendix.
From Wool to Warp and Weft: Approaching Ancient Greek Textile Work through Experimental Archaeology
(University of Waterloo, 2022-01-19) Bechal, Tatianna
Due to the perishable nature of the work performed by women throughout much of ancient history, little physical evidence survives to study directly. This research is an exploration of the process of wool-working employed by the Greek women of the fourth and fifth centuries B.C.E. Through both academic research and hands-on experimental archaeology, the steps of wool fibre processing were examined and re-created. The aim of this project was twofold. The first goal was to follow the life cycle of sheep wool from a raw fleece to a finished piece of cloth and learn about the practical aspects and history of textile work. The second goal was to reveal the social implications of this domestic work and the role it played in the social lives of the people who performed it.
The Rebirth of Rape: Tracing Ovidian Rape Motifs with Respect to Bernini's Pluto and Persephone as a Piece of Classical Reception
(University of Waterloo, 2021-10-08) Scully, Moira
Rape, as it is understood in a modern context, is approached with a completely different perspective than that of an ancient, and even a post-Renaissance, audience. With the contributing factors of cultural, historical, and educational aspects all playing a role in shifting how this act of sexual violence was perceived from a pre-modern to a modern society, it is possible to identify the gradual process that went into rethinking rape. The question arises, however, if there is a similar shift in both the perception and reception of rape between first century Augustan Rome and the city-state of Rome in the early seventeenth century. By selecting two influential pieces depicting the act of raptus, this study examines ‘Roman’ cultural perceptions of rape cross-temporally and attempts to reveal if sexual violence was viewed similarly or differently by the succeeding Roman culture. Using both Ovid’s Metamorphoses and Gian Lorenzo Bernini’s Pluto and Persephone as the main primary sources for this investigation, ensures an opportunity for clear comparisons or discrepancies in reception to be drawn. In addition to these two sources, supporting material such as legal codes, medieval commentaries, translations, paintings, and sculpture, are employed to properly situate both Ovid and Bernini’s works in their respective cultural contexts. Through an assessment of these listed sources, this paper demonstrates the significant overlap in cultural attitudes towards rape in each time period, and how Bernini’s sculpture can be seen as a piece of Ovidian reception for sexual violence.
Celtic, Roman, and Everything in Between: The Evolution of the Sacred in Romano-Celtic Wales
(University of Waterloo, 2021-08-26) Pritchard, Mackenzie Dinelle
Celtic religion is usually summarized with a quick discussion of druidic practices and human sacrifice. The actual ancient religion of the Insular Celtic populations was a lot more complicated. This thesis introduces the ancient Celtic religion practiced in Wales and discusses how the cultures of the Celtic and the Roman peoples interacted during their co-occupation of the British Isles, with emphasis on the evolution of the beliefs and practices which were considered sacred to those inhabiting the land. The syncretism of Celtic and Roman religious activity (beginning in 43 BCE until the arrival of Christianity around 200 CE) is difficult to separate in some instances because of the substantial similarities in the practices and beliefs. Hybridity of the sacred in ancient Wales can be seen in the historical written records of the Roman peoples, the archaeological evidence remaining in Britain, and in the socio-cultural outcomes which can be seen in the written medieval Welsh chwedlau (tales). While the Roman authors generally speak on the druids, the philosophical beliefs, and sacred practices of the Celtic peoples, the archaeological finds and epigraphic evidence provide more insight into the deities worshipped in Britain by both Roman and Celtic individuals, as well as some cultic customs. Later works, written by Welsh scribes, reveal (traditionally oral) mythologies and their portrayal on topics such as Celtic deities, the Otherworld and its inhabitants, and various Celtic festivals. The findings of this thesis have concluded that the practices of the Roman people did not displace those of the Celts completely but that the cultural and sacred practices of the Celts were integrated into the traditions of the Romans.
The Conversion of the Anglo-Saxon Laity, 597-798
(University of Waterloo, 2021-04-30) Tardif, Jordan
Conversion in the middle ages was driven by many factors depending on the time and place the conversion was occurring. This is often wrongly summarized by explaining that once a king converted his subjects would follow suit. This paper explores how the conversion process took place throughout Anglo-Saxon England and shows that while a king’s conversion certainly aided the process of converting the kingdom, it was not the sole deciding factor. In order to accomplish this, the study analyzes both the traditional sources, Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, which focus on the royalty and kings. In addition to these traditional sources, this study also uses material such as hagiographies, poetry, arts, and human remains in order to gain a broader perspective on the conversion effort than that conveyed in the traditional written sources. By analyzing these additional sources, this paper shows that the conversion process was highly complex as it sought to adapt and adjust Christian practices and teachings to make sense within the Anglo-Saxon cultural framework.
Relics of Roman Identity: Antiquities Collection and Cultural Memory in the Palazzo del Bufalo, Rome, c. 1450 – 1600 CE
(University of Waterloo, 2020-09-15) Coleman, Matthew
The rapid urban development in Renaissance Rome meant constant excavation and the daily (re)discovery of antique arts and artefacts from the city’s rich classical past. As Rome’s new population began to unearth the domain of their native ancestors, they exercised a great deal of care to preserve the antiquities they found and to acquire and assemble collections. Subsequently, Renaissance families would construct new architecture (i.e., exterior facades, villas, sculpture gardens, etc.) for the purpose of their display. The resulting sociocultural landscape saw that nearly all noble homes in Rome boasted a collection of antiquities accessible for viewing by guests by the end of the 1400s. The aim of this study will be to understand the motivations for such display; be the collections shallow exhibitions of taste, simply means for cultural preservation (cf. private museums), considered political strategy, instruments for the construction of social identity, or some combination thereof. Naturally, these motivations are contingent on the identities of the collectors who curated the groups. As such, the scope of my research will focus on one family’s collection, the del Bufalo at Rome, as both its curators and motivations shift from generation to generation, serving as an exemplar of the period on the whole. This thesis offers a complete history of the family’s sculpture garden (c. 1450-1600 CE) in the Trevi district at Rome: offering the correct genealogy of the family, dates for curatorship, specific installation programs per individual, and the complete known contents of the garden. This collection of antiquities was chosen as it is understudied in and of itself despite being cited as the fifth largest collection in Rome at the time by Ulisse Aldrovandi and its many connections to the Farnese, d’Este, and Medici antiquities. Contextual discussion presents a clear picture of where this family and their collection fit into the broader social landscape of Rome. Appendices include English translations of the most important primary sources available for the del Bufalo collection as well as a catalogue and provenance notes for identified extant statues.

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